Readings Notes on "Passionate Uprisings" by Pardis Mahdavi

Mahdavi, Pardis. Passionate Uprisings. Stanford University Press: Stanford, California. 2009

In her 2009 book Passionate Uprisings, Pardis Mahdvi argues that a sexual revolution occurred in Iran during her years of study, from 2000 to 2007. This sexual revolution, Mahdavi argues, began with the middle to upper class secular and educated youth of Tehran (but has spread to the urban and rural popular classes and beyond age demographic of the “children of the Revolution”). This particular cross section of society is unsatisfied with the government and has the time and tools necessary to express their dissatisfaction. Highly educated (from the Islamic republic’s free education system) but lacking adequate employment opportunities, these youth have sufficient free time to channel towards speaking against the regime, even if that “speech” isn’t necessarily verbal.

In speaking out against the regime, this particular demographic of youth employed many nonverbal tactics. Young men and women challenged the regime in their dress. By wearing ever shortening tight mantos, bleach blond locks of hair poking out of a rusari, pounds of makeup, open toed shoes, nail polish and capris young women in Iran are actively speaking out again the regime and the Islamic dress code imposed upon them (63). Young men do the same by wearing tight clothing, having Western style gelled hair, and un-Islamic clean shaven faces. Author Pardis Mahdavi argues that this outwardly appearing hedonistic youth culture is really a statement against the regime; it is way to express one’s self and push for small changes.

These youth also spoke against the regime through their internet. With Persian as the fourth most used language in the “internet blogosphere” (77), many young Tehrani’s are speaking against the regime through their blogs. The relative autonomy of the internet allowed these youth to express their dissatisfaction against the regime in a semi-private space, more free from harassment. The internet also allowed for dating, chatting with friends, and planning of the infamous north Tehran parties. With a lot of money at their disposal, this wealthy north Tehrani’s planned elaborate parties, complete with alcohol, drugs, and the occasional sex orgy. Getting arrested at these parties is quite the norm, but seen by many as a triumph against the regime. One of Mahdavi’s informants even went as far as to say that “she almost dares them [the komite] to catch her, because that means she and her groups of friends are succeeding… ‘the fact they are […] wanting to bug us more means we’re getting under their skin, means we’re doing something right!’” (196).

Through this sexual revolution, Mahdavi argues that the youth of Tehran, and of Iran, are making headway against the regime. Brightly colored rusari’s are now, in some parts of Tehran, the norm. Women that were once harassed for certain style choices now wear them without any bother. Additionally with arrest and punishments for partying becoming the norm and declining in severity, young people in Tehran no longer fear the komite as they once did (namely, just after the Revolution). As fear of the regime continues to decline, young people in Iran will only continue to push, and as they push they will gain more ground. What was once a relationship solely of fear between the youth of Iran and the Islamic Republic is now a relationship of fear mixed with antsy dissatisfaction—it is a tug of war between the youth and the state. In time the regime will be forced to concede some to the youth. These concessions may be small, an inch of rusari pushed back perhaps, or less frequent physical punishment for partygoers, but they concessions and gains for the Tehrani and Iranian youth nonetheless.

Reflections
Pardis Mahdavi’s novel, while incredibly interesting and entertaining, perpetuates the notion of Iran as a place of extremes. Instead of studying the Iranian demographic extreme one may expect from the outside (the highly conservative Muslim demographic, with women donning long black chadors), Mahdavi studies the wealthy, secular, educated elite of north Tehran. What is missing from her analysis is the middle of these two extremes. Where do the majority of Iranian citizens fall along this continuum? It will be important to keep this in mind in my research, and try not to focus too much on the eye catching extremes that I ignore the conditions and lives of most Iranians.

Her sixth chapter “High Risk” details the dangerous sexual choices many young Tehrani’s regularly make, including unprotected and multiple partner sex. She speaks of Iran’s highly successful family planning program, but notes that the unmarried and often very sexually active are left out. This chapter was the impetus to help narrow and define my project. I will study the effects of the family planning program, and include my focus on these women who were left out. What kind of sexual health and family planning options exist for them, and how has their exclusion from the government’s family planning program affected their lives? Mahdavi’s visits to family planning classes, gynecology clinics, and the black market of abortion pills behind the mosque near Bazaar Tajrish will give good ideas for places to start out.